Warnock, a preacher, ordained by the African Methodist Episcopal Church. 25, 1870, America’s first Black senator, Hiram Rhodes Revels, a Republican from Mississippi, sat on the floor of the Senate preparing to take his oath of office. But the proximity of those two events - the election of a Black man to the Senate followed hard on by the violent ransacking of the Capitol by an overwhelmingly white mob - rang loudly with echoes of the past.Ī little more than 150 years ago, on the afternoon of Feb. That was the salient political fact, at least before the insurrection began.
Warnock legacy tyranny full#
Warnock’s triumph, along with that of Jon Ossoff, who won the other Georgia runoff on that Tuesday night, gave Democrats the Senate majority they lost in 2014, and full control of Congress for the first time in a decade. Raphael Warnock of Georgia, the first Black Democratic senator from the South in the nation’s history. 6 Capitol riot was another momentous event that happened barely 12 hours earlier and hundreds of miles away: the election to the Senate of the Rev. Today, American agriculture is industrialized, and rural communities are in decline.Īmerica pursued an early agrarian vision that understood real property rights as instrumental to achieving a country of free, engaged citizens who cared for their communities and stewarded their physical place in it.Lost in the horror and mayhem of the Jan. The fee simple ownership form has failed every agrarian objective but one: the maintenance of white landownership. For it was also embedded in the original American experiment that land ownership would be racialized for the benefit of its white citizens, through acts of colonialism, slavery, and explicit race-based exclusion in property law. Today, rather than undoing this racialized legacy, modern property rules only further concentrate and homogenize rural landownership. Agricultural landownership remains almost entirely-98 percent-white. This is a critical racial justice issue that converges directly with our impending environmental crisis and the decline of rural communities more generally. This Article builds on work of rural sociologists and farm advocates who demonstrate, again and again, that despite a pervasive narrative of rural places dying for want of population and agricultural systems too far gone for reform, the reality is a crowd of emerging farmers-and farmers of color in particular-clamoring for access. Existing policy efforts to support beginning farmers have focused primarily on supporting a few private land transactions within existing systems. This Article brings property theory to the table for the first time, arguing that property law itself is not only responsible for the original racialized distributions of agricultural land but also actively perpetuates both ongoing racialized disparities and the currently industrialized and depopulated rural landscape. This Article deconstructs our most fundamental land-tenure choice-the fee simple itself-and calls on our collective legal imagination to develop more adaptive, inclusive, and dynamic land-tenure designs rooted in these otherwise overlooked rural places. “If you remember nothing else in your whole life, Cassie girl, remember this: We ain’t never gonna lose this land. Taylor, Roll of Thunder, Hear My Cry 152 (1976). “Most importantly, we might forget that the land beneath our feet holds endless stories of struggle to claim it.” 2 Natasha Bowens, The Color of Food: Stories of Race, Resilience and Farming 7, 9 (2015). “Land represents both a set of values and a store of wealth.” 3 Katrina Quisumbing King, Spencer D. Wood, Jess Gilbert & Marilyn Sinkewicz, Black Agrarianism: The Significance of African American Landownership in the Rural South, 83 Rural Socio. Property law bears a lot of responsibility. At its core, property is society’s system for distributing valuable resources. 4 See generally Lee Anne Fennell, The Problem of Resource Access, 126 Harv.
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